
Bush Summits Test Leadership
In Mideast
By Debra DeLee and James
Zogby
May 30, 2003
As President George W. Bush travels to meet with Mideast leaders at two
summits in Egypt and Jordan next week, the hopes of Jewish and Arab peace
supporters on both sides of the Atlantic go with him.
The summits offer an opportunity for the president to provide Israeli and
Palestinian leaders with greater encouragement to proceed with the Road
Map, to guide the parties around obstacles that could stall peace-process
momentum and to strengthen support for his diplomatic initiatives among
Arab states.
Just as significant, they will give Bush a chance to dispel lingering doubts
about his administration's commitment to sustained engagement in the pursuit
of Israeli-Palestinian peace, a commitment that had not been apparent in
the many months before the Iraq war.
Opponents of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process have been working overtime
to derail President Bush's Road Map to Mideast peace. In the region, terrorist
attacks against Israelis and assassination attacks against Palestinians
have been used to undercut momentum toward the resumption of diplomacy.
Closer to home, supporters of Israeli hard-liners are trying to erect barriers
to progress.
They must not be allowed to succeed.
Palestinians and Israelis are exhausted from more than 30 months of violence
and destruction. They have suffered too many casualties, watched too much
of their economies wither, and lost too much hope for a better future to
want to continue in the same bloody direction.
If the Road Map is to have any chance of being followed, President Bush
needs to listen to the expressions of support for peace that are consistently
reflected in opinion polls of the two sides and not let the sounds of violence
drown out the voices of reason.
As leaders of Arab-American and Jewish-American organizations that advocate
a secure and permanent negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
we were heartened to see the president officially deliver the Road Map to
Palestinians and Israelis despite political risks that could have caused
him to hold back in launching this initiative.
We are also pleased to see that some of the steps required in the first
phase of the Road Map have already been carried out - the Palestinians have
appointed a reform-minded government that denounces violence, Palestinian
finances have been cleaned up, and Israel has started to release some of
the funds that it's been withholding from the Palestinians since the start
of the intifada.
But we are also realists.
While Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas has accepted the peace proposal
and has called for an end to all violence, he will need considerable support
in meeting challenges to his authority and fulfilling his Road Map obligations,
such as consolidating Palestinian security services and undertaking visible
steps on the ground to combat terrorism. These would be difficult problems
for him to tackle at any moment, but they are particularly hard at a time
when he is relatively weak compared with the forces aligned against him.
In truth, Abbas will not be able to take security steps to solidify his
position within Palestinian society and improve Israel's security without
international and Israeli help.
Unfortunately, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has significant reservations
about the Road Map that may make it more difficult, if not impossible, to
implement.
For example, the Road Map calls on Israelis and Palestinians to take parallel
steps in fulfilling their obligations. But Sharon has not accepted this
principle. He thinks that Israel should be asked to carry out its responsibilities
only after the Palestinians have met their requirements.
The Palestinians are rightfully expected to fulfill very tough measures
to fight terrorism and embark on sweeping institutional reforms. Yet they
will not be successful in pursuing these steps as long as Israel continues
to assassinate Palestinians in the occupied territories and demolish Palestinian
homes. Israeli restraint is needed to allow the new Palestinian government
to show results for its security cooperation, restraint that must be exercised
at the same time that Palestinian security forces crack down on terrorist
organizations.
Given the tough steps that Palestinians and Israelis are supposed to undertake
to stabilize the current situation, both sides will balk at meeting some
of their obligations under the Road Map. Only a serious, sustained effort
from President Bush will keep the process moving forward.
He must resist attempts to change the plan, ensure that the monitoring of
compliance with the Road Map is effective and fair, and press Israelis and
Palestinians alike to uphold their parts of the deal.
At the end of the path described in the Road Map, the two sides will once
again be expected to come to terms with the most difficult issues that separate
them.
But they will never have a chance to resume negotiations on critical problems
like Jerusalem and refugees unless Bush firmly ushers them along the way.
After more than two years of the Intifada, Palestinians and Israelis desperately
need his leadership, and they are more than ready for the Road Map. The
upcoming summits will give him a chance to deliver.
Debra DeLee is
president and chief executive of Americans for Peace Now, and James Zogby
is president of the Arab American Institute, both headquartered in Washington.
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2003, Newsday, Inc.
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