Our
nonsensical Middle East policy
By Trudy Rubin
What do you say
about a policy toward the Israel-Palestinian conflict that helps Islamic
radicals, hurts Israel, and undercuts America's campaign for Mideast
democracy?
I'd say it made
no sense. Yet the White House seems wedded to such a policy - at least
through Election Day.
You can sum up the
Bush approach to this bloody conflict in two words: Do nothing. There's
plenty of presidential rhetoric about a "road map" to peace that supports
the creation of a Palestinian state. But the White House has provided
minimal follow-through.
The administration
blames the impasse on Yasir Arafat. Yes, he's a failed leader who exploded
the Palestinians' best chance to get a state and never made a serious
effort to halt terror bombers.
But the White House
wasted opportunities to bolster better Palestinian leaders and makes
Arafat the excuse for its passivity. Without U.S. intervention, the
chance for a two-state solution is slipping away.
If Israel is left
in permanent control of 3.5 million bitter West Bank and Gaza Palestinians,
Arabs will soon outnumber Jews within Greater Israel. Israel will have
two choices: maintain apartheid rule or give every adult the vote and
cease to be a Jewish state. So why has the Bush team
let Israel/Palestine drift toward a one-state solution? In part, to
please its conservative Christian base. In part, because the administration
nourished the illusion that an Iraq victory would solve all other Mideast
problems. And in part, because the Bush team seems to have bought the
arguments of Israeli leader Ariel Sharon that he can unilaterally create
an ersatz Palestinian state. The White House has stood
by while Sharon expanded Jewish settlements on the West Bank. Now he
is building a long security wall through the West Bank. Few would object
to a security fence along the de facto 1967 border, but this is a political
wall whose route will zig and zag to protect settlements inside the
West Bank. Once completed, the barrier, plus roads linking settlements
to Israel proper, will bisect the West Bank into cantons that pen Palestinians
inside less than half the West Bank.
Sharon understands
the demographic danger Israel faces. That is why he is also proposing
a unilateral withdrawal from all or most of Gaza, and the dismantlement
of some of the more exposed Jewish settlements. Sharon's vision is to
hand Gaza and the West Bank cantons over to the Palestinians - making
clear that this is all they will get for many, many years.
But these hemmed-in
areas won't compose a state, even though U.S. officials are pondering
how to bill Sharon's ideas as a peace process advance. In fact, a unilateral
Israeli pullback would be the end of the two- state approach.
If Israel withdraws
from Gaza without negotiating with the Palestinian Authority, Hamas
Islamists will seize control and claim their bombs pushed Israel out.
This will embolden radicals on the West Bank.
Locked inside cantons,
Palestinians would remain impoverished. The Palestinian Authority would
likely collapse, leaving no one to negotiate with in the future.
Ironically, a Gaza
First deal might have weakened Arafat had it been handled differently.
Had Washington pressed Sharon to offer the deal months ago to moderate
Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas, the latter might have have won sufficient
popular support to stand up to Arafat. Instead, Sharon and the Americans
let Abbas down and he finally quit.
Now the President
must again decide: Does he want to help the Islamists, or keep the peace
process going? Bush can still tell Sharon that a Gaza withdrawal must
be part of a deal that strengthens current Palestinian Prime Minister
Ahmed Qureia and undercuts Arafat. Bush can demand that settlement outposts
be dismantled, even as he demands that a strengthened Qureia break up
terrorist cells. The West Bank security fence must be straightened,
not because of any World Court verdict, but because it must not preclude
two states.
Only intense White
House involvement can save Israel from heading toward a one-state disaster.
A White House that aids and abets such an outcome, is no friend of the
Jewish state.
©
2004 Philadelphia Inquirer and wire service sources