Dark thoughts intrude on prospects
for Gaza
James Klurfeld
August 19, 2005
Americans tend to
be optimists. Ask someone in this country whether the glass is half full
or half empty and the answer will likely be half full. There has always
been a "can-do" attitude here, a belief that every problem has a solution.
That is less true in other parts of the world, where historical experience
has conditioned people to be more skeptical, and even downright cynical.
In recent days I've been thinking about these different ways of looking
at events, especially Israel's evacuation from its settlements in the
Gaza Strip. Even with the graphic pictures of Israeli forces physically
removing screaming protesters, I'm assuming this is a far-sighted move
by the government of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, one that could well
lead to a resumption of the peace process. It allows Israel to extricate
itself from a difficult demographic problem: only about 9,000 Jewish settlers
in Gaza amid more than 1 million Palestinians. It allows the Palestinians
there to take control of their lives. And it sets the stage for further
Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank territory it conquered in 1967.
That certainly should give the Palestinians incentive to control violence
and negotiate seriously.
But look at the withdrawal from the darker perspective of the Mideast
and you see a different scenario. The Palestinians don't interpret the
withdrawal as a grand gesture but, rather, as sign of weakness, a vindication
of their suicide bombings and unrelenting terror against Israel. They
think more terror will bring further withdrawals. So the government of
Mahmoud Abbas - rather than establish a peaceful, civilized enclave in
the Gaza Strip - will prove unable or unwilling to control the militants
of Hamas and Islamic Jihad and Gaza will become an armed camp from which
Palestinians can launch rockets and terrorist attacks against Israel.
Then how long will it be before Sharon - or any Israeli leader - sends
in the troops again?
And here's a further dark thought: The radicalization of Gaza is exactly
what Sharon not only expects but desires. Having finally done what the
Western world has been telling Israel it must do since it occupied the
territories, Sharon will be able to say: "You see what happens when we
make a unilateral move for peace? It is only misinterpreted as a show
of weakness and an opportunity to attack Israel. Your assumption has been
that if only Israel made concessions of land for peace, the Palestinians
would respond and accept a two state solution. But the Palestinian goal
remains what it has always been: to drive Israel out of its land, to destroy
Israel."
Sharon will further declare that the Palestinian actions only make it
clearer why Israel must build the wall that separates its territory from
Palestinians along the West Bank and maintain a heavy security presence
there.
As far as most of us can see into the future, the wall will be the boundary
between Israel and Palestine, and most of the West Bank settlements, if
not all, will be maintained. That is, rather than creating an inexorable
logic for withdrawal from all of the West Bank, Israel's withdrawal from
Gaza will be proof to the world that the Palestinians can't be trusted
to fulfill their part of the bargain. Sharon and the hard-liners will
be able to argue that Israel must maintain its presence and settlements
in a portion of the West Bank.
Too cynical for your taste? OK, but remember we are talking about the
Mideast here, not Iowa. Until now there has been scant evidence Abbas
or his government can control the militants, even if they understand the
trap Sharon has set.
What if the Palestinians do turn Gaza into a peaceful area? Then Israel's
withdrawal could prove to be a turning point in the Israeli-Palestinian
dispute. But there is an assumption in that question: that a majority
of Palestinians really want a two-state solution and will work to achieve
it. And that is, at least, a glass-half-full approach.
Copyright 2005 Newsday
Inc
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