An
'un-Sharon' response to attack
By not reacting militarily, Israel keeps
the focus and the pressure on Hamas
By
Frida Ghitis
Thu, Apr 20, 2006
The moment a suicide
bomber exploded in downtown Tel Aviv on Monday, Israel's government began
considering its response. Even as the children of one of the victims,
murdered in front of her entire family, were desperately calling out to
her dead body, Palestinians began bracing themselves for Israel's retaliation,
and world leaders prepared for yet another escalation of the conflict.
Then came Israel's
surprising decision: For now, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and his cabinet
decided, Israel will limit its response and not launch a military attack
against Hamas.
Israel has made it
clear that it considers the Hamas-led Palestinian government responsible
for the attack that killed nine people. Under its international commitments,
the Palestinian Authority must do all it can to stop terrorism. Hamas,
however, whose stated objective remains the destruction of Israel, declared
that the Passover bombing was fully justified. Since Hamas came to power
three weeks ago, Israel has stopped scores of would-be terrorists, including
11 caught at the very last minute. Hamas says it will not work to stop
Palestinian suicide missions, or "martyrdom operations," as they are known
among proponents of that barbaric practice.
Still, an all-out
attack by Israel would risk derailing a process that is already in place
and could well lead to the collapse of the Hamas government. Perhaps Hamas
will manage to hold on to power. But Israel is calculating that the chances
of success through different means are worth a try.
If Israel responded
as it did in the days of Ariel Sharon, the attention of the Palestinian
people and the international community would shift, as it always does,
from the terrorist attacks to the suffering brought by Israel's retaliation
on the Palestinian population. Governments in Europe and moderate Arab
countries would cry out for an end to the "cycle of violence." So, here's
the cycle, broken. Olmert is now officially his own man, testing the un-Sharon
approach.
Israel is precariously
walking a high wire with Hamas. The hope is that the governing party in
the Palestinian legislature will collapse without bringing down the Palestinian
Authority. The last thing Israel wants is to see the Palestinian Authority
disappear and suddenly find itself responsible for all services in the
West Bank.
Despite highly publicized
announcements that Hamas will receive tens of millions from Iran, Qatar
and perhaps Russia, the Palestinian government is in excruciating financial
straits. And Israel, for a change, stands with the international community
rather firmly lined up behind it.
Already, the European
Union has cut $600 million a year in aid. The United States has slashed
$400 million, and the list goes on. Japan, Canada, even Norway say they
will not give money to the Hamas government, even though all parties,
including Israel, say they will continue to provide humanitarian support
bypassing Hamas. The Arab world, despite its rhetorical support, has mixed
feelings at best about Hamas. Some money has been promised but none delivered.
On the ground, Hamas'
grip on the situation is tenuous. More than 140,000 armed men on the Palestinian
Authority payroll have not received their March wages. They regularly
storm into Palestinian government buildings, shooting their AK-47s. A
few leading Palestinians have already called for Hamas to accept defeat,
step down, and call for new elections.
Hamas, however, remains
defiant. Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh proudly declared: "We will eat
cooking oil and olives." The crowds initially cheered, but the truth is
that Palestinians don't support Hamas' intransigence. In a recent poll,
78 percent said they want talks between the two sides to resume.
Hamas knows how to
fire up the crowds, but its political positions are out of step with the
population. More important, its tactics so far have produced discontent
and hardship among heavily armed militiamen, and have brought the Palestinian
territories to the edge of civil war.
Instead of sending
out bulldozers after the bombing, Israel revoked the residency permits
of three Hamas members of the Palestinian parliament who live in East
Jerusalem. The day after the attack, while mothers, children, husbands
and wives of the victims took their loved ones to be buried, one of the
Hamas legislators, Ahmed Atoun, reacted angrily to the news that he would
have to leave Jerusalem. "This is an unfair, criminal decision," he ranted.
Israel wants the Palestinians,
with the help of the international community, to see just how far Hamas
stands from the path to peace and a better life for the long-suffering
Palestinians. It's worth a try.
Frida
Ghitis is the author of "The End of Revolution: A Changing World in the
Age of Live Television."
©
2006 Philadelphia Inquirer and wire service sources.
This article also
appeared in the Miami Herald on Thursday, April 20, 2006.
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